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Darwin-L Message Log 4:84 (December 1993)
Academic Discussion on the History and Theory of the Historical Sciences
This is one message from the Archives of Darwin-L (1993–1997), a professional discussion group on the history and theory of the historical sciences.
Note: Additional publications on evolution and the historical sciences by the Darwin-L list owner are available on SSRN.
<4:84>From delancey@darkwing.uoregon.edu Mon Dec 20 12:19:53 1993 Date: Mon, 20 Dec 1993 09:53:31 -0800 (PST) From: Scott C DeLancey <delancey@darkwing.uoregon.edu> Subject: Renfrew & Bellwood (was: Re: Scientific American) To: darwin-l@ukanaix.cc.ukans.edu On Thu, 16 Dec 1993, Jeffrey Wills wrote: > As an Indo-Europeanist, I am disappointed to see Colin Renfrew again > given space by _Scientific American_ (Jan. 1994) for his controversial views > on the spread of language when other opinions could have been solicited. SA has been really strong on crackpot prehistorical linguistics work lately. It appears to be an idee fixee of one of their current editors. They have, at least in the case of the truly execrable Greenberg and Ruhlen article last year, been unwilling to even publish critical letters. That said, I have to say that--although I certainly don't like to see it being presented to the non-linguistic world in SA like that-- I didn't find Renfrew's latest article nearly as objectionable as the last one, or (God knows) the G&R disaster. The main point of this one is the idea that there are probably specific historical reasons, in principle amenable to archeological research, for attested patterns of language distribution. The most important specific proposal, one that both Renfrew and Peter Bellwood have been selling lately, is that major population increases and spreads occurred when- and wherever agriculture developed, and that the languages spoken by those populations spread as well, thus explaining the wide geographical distribution of e.g. Indo-European, Bantu, Afroasiatic, Sino-Tibetan, Austroasiatic, etc. as compared to smaller families. The macro-family stuff that Renfrew alludes to this paper isn't a necessary part of, or even very helpful to, this story. I heard Bellwood talk about this a couple of years ago, looking at Southeast Asia, where by conservative accounting there are four substantial and relatively widespread families (Sino-Tibetan, Tai-Kadai, Austroasiatic, Austronesian--also the considerably smaller Hmong- Mien (= Miao-Yao)). His story doesn't require any genetic relationship among these, only that the populations speaking the proto-languages were all in the area in which agriculture first developed. In fact, he took the fact of there being several major families represented in a restricted area as evidence that that was a focal area for the development of agriculture--as opposed to, say, Europe, which is shown to be an area of secondary spread by the fact that only one major family is represented there. There are some empirical problems with Bellwood's version of his story (e.g. it requires a highly improbable homeland for Sino-Tibetan), but they could probably be fixed. In fact, Renfrew's story, shorn of his silly ideas about Indo- European, actually makes ideas like Nostratic or Eurasial less attractive. Assume (I haven't looked at the data, so this is purely for the sake of argument) that there are significant lexical resemblances between, say, Indo-European and Dravidian, i.e. that the Nostraticists are not simply imagining that there are resemblances which require historical explanation. If Renfrew is right that both originated in the same focal area, then there is an areal explanation for any noted resemblances which doesn't require common descent. In fact, by Renfrew's account this seems to be the more likely explanation-- in his article he suggests that the linguistic situation found, for example, in the Caucasus, or California, with many small distantly or un-related languages spoken side-by-side, represents the typical linguistic situation before the major language spreads that he is discussing. So we would expect that if the development of agriculture in the Middle East was the occasion of major population spreads, there would likely have been more than one local language involved. Scott DeLancey delancey@darkwing.uoregon.edu Department of Linguistics University of Oregon Eugene, OR 97403, U.S.A.
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