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Darwin-L Message Log 5:42 (January 1994)
Academic Discussion on the History and Theory of the Historical Sciences
This is one message from the Archives of Darwin-L (1993–1997), a professional discussion group on the history and theory of the historical sciences.
Note: Additional publications on evolution and the historical sciences by the Darwin-L list owner are available on SSRN.
<5:42>From NEIMANF@YALEVM.CIS.YALE.EDU Sun Jan 9 07:40:17 1994 Date: Sun, 09 Jan 94 08:39:23 EST From: Fraser Neiman <NEIMANF@YaleVM.CIS.Yale.edu> Organization: Yale University C∧IS Subject: Re: Aquatic apes revisited To: Multiple recipients of list <darwin-l@ukanaix.cc.ukans.edu> Greetings, The old issue of how we evaluate scientific knowledge claims has surfaced again in the linguistic and aquatic ape threads on this list. I don't have anything novel to say on this topic. But perhaps it is worth pointing out that the discussion to date has a rather empiricist flavor. By that I mean that it fails to acknowledge that theories about the way the world works and, more to the point here, hypotheses about history that are constructed on the basis of those theories, are fundamentally underdetermined by facts (empirical evidence). I mention this not to suggest that there is no telling whether Renfrew or Morgan are right. I think there is. Rather I want to remind folks that the ability of an hypothesis to account for evidence in a parsimonious fashion is not the only criterion on which its worth is judged. The additional set of considerations, which often prove crucial, involves the fit of the hypothesis or theory with other theories or hypotheses about the way the world works. The continental drift case illustrates this nicely. The original formulation by Wegener did not win general acceptance NOT because it did not fit with the facts. It nicely fit all kinds of facts, including the complementary shapes of the continental margins and agreement in the distribution of fossils and geological formations on opposing shores. But it did not fit with other theoretical notions about the way the geophysical world worked. It offered no theoretical mechanism. The invention of plate tectonics remedied this defect and acceptance quickly followed. The "consilience of inductions" runs in two directions, one empirical and the other theoretical. I wonder if this goes some way to explaining the difficulties that Morgan encounters among card-carrying paleoanthropologists, and the ensuing lack of resolution between the professionals and the outsiders. Although the argument is conducted in terms of "facts" much of the professional position arises from an unarticulated lack of agreement between the hypothesis and the rest of their understanding about Plio-Pleistocene hominoid evolution and evolution in general. For example one thing that strikes me about the aquatic ape hypothesis is that it is a "functional package" explanation. It attempts to explain a large suite of traits in terms of positive feedback linkages among them in the context of a single selective prime mover. Now this kind of explanation has an long history in paleoanthropology, most conspicuously in the hands-tools-reduced- canines-brain-bipedalism package that goes right back to Darwin. Scientific progress in paleoanthroplogy over the last 25 year has, to a large extent, consisted in uncoupling the traits in this package. More generally, we have come to understand that evolutionary histories caused by natural selection are quirky and historically contingent processes. Morgan's functional package runs afoul of this more general understanding. Clearly historical linguists have a similar kinds of problems with Renfrew. But the bi-directional consilience argument cuts both ways in this case. European history happened only one way. The question is how did it happen? We are going to have a much better chance of getting it right, if we follow the lead of Renfrew, Cavalli-Sforza, Ammerman, et al. and begin seriously to look for inductive consilience among historical hypotheses constructed from theory in different disciplines. The unfortunate tendency is for practitioners in archaeology and linguistics to send immediately for the game warden and have the poachers hauled off the estate. I think a more profitable attitude might be to recognize that the correct interpretation of the archaeological and linguistic records is going to have to agree with the correct interpretation of the genetic record, and vice versa. This does not mean that Cavalli et al. are right. I think they _have_ pointed the way to an important methodological opportunity. Although they may not have exploited it in an entirely satisfactory fashion. Best, Fraser Neiman
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